This is a paper presented at the meeting organized at Paris in 2012 to commemorate the 50 years of activity of the Center of Polish Culture at Sorbonne. The Center was organized by Bronislaw Geremek, an eminent Polish historian who played an important political role in the anti-communist movement many years later, and who became the Minister of Foreign Aff airs after the communism. Both Universities established the Center to facilitate contacts of Polish and French social scientists, difficult at the time of communism. The Polish communist government encouraged this endeavour to smooth the contacts with France, which seemed more independent from the United States than other Western countries. Polish social scientists used this political conjuncture to built contacts with their French colleagues, especially from the “Annales” school. Fernand Braudel wanted to know the Marxist historians
from the East and he appreciated the Polish historical school. The Poles seemed him more reasonable than Marxists from most other communist countries. Quai d’Orsay looked with relative optimism to changes in Poland after 1956, so they facilitated the implementation of Braudel’s ideas. Most probably, Warsaw University was the unique University in the Eastern bloc to have such a center in Paris already in 1962.
After the fall of communism the Polish-French contacts are not as important for Polish social scientists as they were before—for the simple reason that the contacts with most other countries are easy today. Let’s hope nevertheless that the Polish French common programs will continue....
Choińska-Mika, Jolanta(Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu, 2013)
Artykuł przedstawia rozwój praw politycznych i form uczestnictwa szlachty we władzy na tle przemian ustrojowych od schyłku XIV do końca XVII w. Charakterystycznym rysem tych przeobrażeń była aktywizacja i wzrost aspiracji politycznych szlacheckiego ogółu oraz powiększanie się kręgu osób współuczestniczących w sprawach państwa, a także poszerzanie się merytorycznego zakresu partycypacji. Zjawiska te legły u podłoża wykształcania się i rozwoju instytucji parlamentarnych. Równolegle formowały się mechanizmy komunikacji społecznej pomiędzy politycznym centrum i szlacheckimi wspólnotami ziemskimi, a także w obrębie narodu politycznego. Wykształcony w ciągu XV stulecia system osiągnął swoją dojrzałość w czasach ostatnich Jagiellonów, a jego ustrojowe pryncypia, właściwe arystotelesowskiej monarchii mieszanej, opisane zostały w Artykułach Henrykowskich. Przemianom polityczno-ustrojowym towarzyszyło wykształcanie się obywatelskiego modelu kultury politycznej, w którym ważną rolę odgrywał etos republikański, legalizm i zasada zgody.
Wiek XVII postawił Rzeczpospolitą w obliczu nowych, nieznanych wcześniej wyzwań, pod wpływem których zmieniał się charakter i zakres udziału szlachty w życiu publicznym. Najbardziej znaczącym rysem tego zjawiska był postępujący rozwój systemu klientalnego i wzrost znaczenia fakcji w życiu publicznym, a w ślad za tym przenoszenie procesu decyzyjnego z instytucji ustrojowych państwa na poziom rozwiązań pozaformalnych/pozasystemowych. Choć w sferze ideologii i deklarowanych przekonań zajmowały one nadal ważne miejsce, a ich formalne uprawnienia pozostały bez zmian, to w praktyce najważniejsze decyzje państwowe zapadały poza nimi. Właściwymi decydentami byli liderzy fakcji, i to od układu sił pomiędzy fakcjami zależały w dużej mierze rozstrzygnięcia głównych problemów politycznych kraju.... The article examines the expansion of political rights and the changing forms of nobility’s political participation in the context of constitutional transformation of the state since the late 14th c. to the end of the 17th c. First, there was a noted increase in political aspirations among nobility which resulted in a growing number of noblemen participating in local public/political life. This, in turn, resulted in a gradual broadening of political agenda. As a consequence, these stimulated the emergence and development of parliamentary institutions, and varying communication methods between the Crown and the localities. In addition, these processes triggered the emergence and development of a distinct civic/political culture among the nobility; one which was strongly rooted in republican ethos, respect of the law and the ideals of civic consensus. Political system which had been created in the course of the 15th century reached its mature, complex form in the late 16th century. In the 17th century the Polish – Lithuanian Commonwealth had to face new, unknown challenges, which altered the nature of noble participation in public life. The development of the clientage system, and with it the rise of magnates and their influence, was the most significant manifestation of these complex changes. As a result, there was a drastic shift in the decision making process: state institutions were increasingly losing their power in favour of parallel informal structures. In effect, by the end of the 17th century, it was the faction leaders who had the decisive say over the Commonwealth’s interior and international politics. As such, the country’s future and stability depended on the frail balance of power between rival fractions....
Kołodziejczyk, Dariusz(The Slavic-Eurasian Research Center, Hokkaido University, 2012)
In 1957, when Karl Wittfogel published his seminal book on “Oriental Despotism", it was evident from the outset that the author’s arguments were heavily biased against Russia and deeply rooted in the Cold War atmosphere. Wittfogel’s chief argument about the liaison between irrigation and state despotism had to wait for its critics until more recent times, but his treatment of Russia as an example of a “hydraulic society” was immediately perceived as an intellectual aberration. Nonetheless, the notion of Russia as an “Oriental Tyranny” or “Asiatic Tyranny” proved handy in journalistic efforts to explain the Soviet system to a Western reader, and it has retained some popular cur¬rency up to the present day. In a paragraph of his book, headed “The Introduction of Oriental Despotism into Russia,” Wittfogel blamed the Tatars for being “decisive both in destroying the non-Oriental Kievan society and in laying the foundations for the despotic state of Muscovite and post-Muscovite Russia.” In doing so, he invoked such different authorities as historians Vasilij Ključevskij and George Vernadsky, and... the poet Alexander Pushkin. Among the tremendously rich literary tradition that blames the Mongols and Tatars for infecting the Russian soul with the spirit of despotism, two other influential writers can be named here: a nineteenth-century French author Marquis de Custine and an early twentieth-century Polish historian Jan Kucharzewski....
Synteza historii Danii w XX i początku XXI w. W rozdziale I skrót dziejów Danii w XVIII i XIX w. Synteza uwzględnia najważniejsze wydarzenia historii Danii w XX wieku, z naciskiem na historię społeczną i rozwój duńskiego modelu państwa dobrobytu....
Social studies and anthropology, based on ethnographical research, take for granted the role of large populous groups in defining ethnicity. Self-definitions of the group, as well as definition by others, are interpreted as the central issues regarding large groups. The paper aims to argue for the key-role of elite groups in self-identification and ethnic creation. Small groups of elite, by defining their own “ethnicity” decided it for larger groups. This hypothesis will be tested and illustrated by test cases of ethnogenesis in Iron Age Palestine....