Kontny, Bartosz(Instytut Archeologii Uniwersytet Warszawski, Zentrum für Baltische und Skandinavische Archäologie, Fundacja Monumenta Archaeologica Barbarica, 2017)
Cavalry is not the first thing which comes to mind when one considers the activities of the Roman army. Naturally, that way of thinking is also present in works which focus their attention on the defensive capabilities of Roman frontier systems. Even though turf ramparts, watchtow-ers and camp remains are given the attention they deserve, the arrangements designed for mobile defence which required cavalry use, have received less interest, mostly due to the blurred and sketchy picture provided by the limited and fragmentary archaeological evidence.Moreover, when it comes to the activities of the Roman army, connected with the Crimean Peninsula, the surviving literary records tend to diminish the role of the cavalry. And so, accord-ing to Tacitus’s account, the Roman troops used in the Bosporan war of AD 49 were composed mostly of infantry units, and the cavalry contin-gents were provided by the allied Sarmatian Aorsi tribe. Despite the fact that the particular passage in Tacitus’ account could have been a reflection of the real situation during the Bosporan war, the surviving archaeological and epigraphic evidence suggests quite a different overall picture....
The article is meant as a commentary to the reference in Tacitus (Germania 45,3) to ‘fustis’, i.e., a non-metal trauma weapon of the Baltic Aestii who have been identified with the Dollkeim-Kovrovo Culture. The word fustis was understood by the Romans as a straight or a wavy stick. From the surviving Roman soldiers’ grave-stones, the fustis appears to have been used as a coercive measure, in restraining an unruly crowd or during tax collecting. The written and the archaeological sources are analysed for evidence on the use of cudgels/clubs from the metal age. Examples are invoked from ethnography of cudgel use in hunting and combat (from a distance and at close range). The Balt fustis has been interpreted also as a battle axe. The author challenges this view stressing that in writing of the fustis Tacitus makes it plain that it was not made of metal. An argument is made for the use of fustis as a hunting cudgel, something that is confirmed in the West Balt Barrow Culture, the predecessor of the Dollkeim-Kovrovo Culture. One explanation is that when Tacitus wrote his account the latter was still at an early stage when conservative cultural features presumably were still strong; alternatively the information about fustis is an archaism drawn from the period of the West Balt Barrow Culture....
Archaeological excavations of three sections of the inner areas of the fort of Apsaros were conducted by the Gonio-Apsaros archaeological expedition of the Cultural Heritage Preservation Agency of Adjara in 2014. Remains of several buildings were unearthed in the Roman cultural levels. Artifacts from these layers reflect a Roman presence in the area from the second half of the 1st to the end of the 3rd century AD....
The author recalls the famous princely Sudovian culture grave at Szłvajcaria (today within the administrative limits of Suwałki). Apart from presenting the grave fumishings according to up-to-date typological standards, he tries to reinterpret particular finds' identifying the metal fittings of a saddle and the metal mountings of a possible leather bucket aimed at hiding a horse hamess. Additionally, an engraved omament spotted on the head of a shafted weapon type Vennolum/Ilkjaer 15 is presented....
This paper examines archaeological assemblages containing military artifacts left by the Roman army on the Crimean Peninsula. The analysis allows conclusion on the tasks preformed by the Roman contingent. Dased on the archaeological and epigraphic evidence, acrivites of the temporaty Roman expeditions in the 1 st c. AD are reconstructed. Furthermore, it is argued that in the 2nd c. Roman task forces (vexillationes) served only as a political demonstation intended th show that the allies in the area were not left alone by Rome....
Tekst ma za zadanie przedstawienie genezy Święta Paschy. Tradycja biblijna wspomina o owym święcie w kontekście mitycznej przeszłości Hebrajczyków (np. w księdze Wyjścia i Jozuego), lecz zarazem wyraźnie łączy początki owego Święta z okresem panowania króla Judy Jozjasza (640–609 p.n.e.). W artykule staram się pokazał, że związek Paschy z opowieścią o Wyjściu Izraelitów z Egiptu ma wtórny charakter i zatem nie odzwierciedla genezy samego rytuału. Jednocześnie teksty Starego Testamentu wskazują na żywotność w Judzie VII w. p.n.e. religijnej praktyki polegającej na składaniu dzieci w ofierze (ofiary typu molk). Przedstawiona jest tu hipoteza, zgodnie z którą tzw. reforma Jozjasza nie miała charakteru radykalnego oczyszczania religii judejskiej, lecz polegała główne na odejściu od ofiar z dzieci (molk) i zastępienia ich centralną ofiarą ochronną, polegającą na ofiarowywaniu zwierzęcia zastępczego (jagnię paschalne). Zaproponowano również inne niż zwykle wyjaśnienie etymologii samej nazwy Święta, a zatem nie od ps.h w znaczeniu „kuleł”, lecz „chronił”. Pierwotna Pascha przedstawiona została, jako rytuał odbywany w Świątyni Jerozolimskiej, a główną osobą odpowiedzialną za kult był monarcha....